Patriots and compradors being polarized

Yuba Nath Lamsal
A new kind of polarization is taking shape in Nepali political landscape. The new polarization would be quite different from what some political pundits have predicted. Instead it would a polarization between the patriotic forces against the traitors, compradors and agents of foreign expansionists and interventionist elements.
Nepal's political circle had been abuzz about the possibility of polarization between the democratic and communist forces. Some had even claimed that it was necessary. Different people have different logics on this issue. The rightist elements have been pushing for the so-called democratic alliance incorporating the entire rightist, conservative, reactionary and regressive forces. The staunch advocate of this alliance has been Surya Bahadur Thapa who leads a rather tiny group with a couple of seats in the 601-member Constituent Assembly. His views and logic for the creation of such an alliance is to fight and counter the growing leftist and communist forces. But deep inside his heart is the goal instilled by foreigners to keep the patriotic forces at bay and serve the interest of foreigners mainly India's expansionist and interventionist policies and interests in Nepal.
There are also some other people and groups that want this kind of alliance. This brand consists of the people who did not emerge on their own strength or with support from the people but were raised and fed by India and their agents in Nepal. Unable to go to power on their own strength because they were and are virtually rejected by the people are trying to go to power in proxy in the name of democratic alliance. This brand of people and groups want the Nepali Congress to lead the so-called democratic alliance taking all the rightist compradors in its side in support from New Delhi. They want the leadership of the Nepali Congress because of its glorious history in leading the democratic movement in 1950/51 and its unflinching support for liberal democracy. However, the Nepali Congress is still reluctant to take this initiative, although it is tempted to do so with the hope of going to power. Nepali Congress is afraid of growing patriotic sentiment in Nepal which would further benefit the leftists who have been the champions of patriotism and national independence, if the Nepali Congress did not take initiative to lead the anti-communist force. Even if this so happens, the alliance of the rightist should still not be able to form its own government because the rightist parties alone do not form the majority in the Constituent Assembly and they still have to rely on the support of some leftist groups. Thus, the interest of having the government of the rightists alone would not be served.
If the so-called democratic alliance of the rightists at all takes shape, it would create a necessity to form an alliance of the leftists, although there is a slim chance of such an alliance (leftist alliance) given the naked interference of India and its efforts not to allow any kind of force that does not toe New Delhi's line. If leftists, at all, create such an alliance, it would be a big force which would be able to tackle all the pending issues including the constitution making. In the Constituent Assembly, the combined strength of the leftist is more than two-thirds of the total strength of the Constituent Assembly, which would be sufficient to take any vital decision. If the alliance of the leftist is created, the new constitution would also be written and promulgated without any hindrances because they have the majority required for the passage of the constitution. The leftist alliance would not only benefit the leftists but it would also be in the interest of the country and the people because leftists are relatively more patriotic than the rightists in the context of Nepal.
Unfortunately, this is not going to happen. The leftists themselves are divided. The CPN-UML is also divided on the creation of the leftists' alliance. CPN-UML chairman is positive but he is not strong enough to convince his party on this national necessity. As a result, the faction led jointly by KP Oli and Madhav Nepal, who have commanded New Delhi's trust, are strongly opposed to the idea of an left alliance. They are openly in support of the so-called democratic alliance under the leadership of the Nepali Congress with South Block's blessing. The Oli-Nepal camp in the UML had advocated the formation of the Congress-led government excluding the Maoists, despite it being the largest political force of Nepal. The duo pushed hard their own party to support the Nepali Congress and not to align with the Maoists. But Khanal took a firm stance against the Congress-led government in which he succeeded. In the form of prize for his stance against the Indian design and conspiracy of the Nepali compradors, the Maoists extended their support in the eleventh hour which installed the prime ministerial crown on the head of Jhalanath Khanal. Although he succeeded to be the prime minister on anti-India plank, his position has weakened after he was elected as prime minister. He has not been able to be decisive to keep the pro-Indian force at bay. The problem began with the signing of the seven-point pact with the UCPN-Maoist, which has been sharply opposed by the Nepali Congress and some other rightist parties. The anti-Khanal factions in the CPN-UML have already joined this bandwagon and have started exerting pressure on the party leadership not to continue coalition with the Maoists. This is being done in the behest of New Delhi that is against the Maoists to be in the cabinet.
The entire drama is being staged to weaken Nepali patriotic movement and consolidate external meddling mainly Indian interference in Nepal. Nepali Congress is leading this group in Nepal whereas some Madhesi parties, who were created by India as a safe bet in Nepal's politics, and a faction of the CPN-UML is backing this initiative. Despite having many weaknesses, the Maoists are relatively more patriotic than others, although the Indian agents have made significant inroad in the UCPN-Maoist as well.
But conspiracy is on not to allow the leftists' alliance in Nepal. As a result, the efforts are being made to create a so-called democratic alliance in which all forces except the UCPN-Maoist are likely to join. This ground is being created by India for which New Delhi has invested a lot. Thus, there is a likelihood of polarization not on the basis of political ideology but based on patriotism. If the pro-Indian forces are united under the banner of democratic alliance, patriotic force would also be compelled to join hands and counter the conspiracy being hatched against Nepal's sovereignty and national interests.
It is a part of the India's game plan to ultimately gobble up Nepal in the similar fashion it did to Sikkim in 1975. Presently, it is in the process of Bhutanization and once the process of Bhutanization completes, New Delhi would create the ground for Sikkimization of Nepal for which India has been at work right after its independence from British colonial rule. It should be worthwhile to note here that the then Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru had made a statement in 1948 that India's northern border extended as far as Himalaya, which implied that New Delhi had planned to annex Nepal during those days. But India's design was foiled because of international situation as the newly liberated communist China had adopted a tough policy regarding its relations with its neighbors. At the same time, the United States was also watchful and concerned about Nepal's sovereignty and independence. Now India has been emboldened because of the new strategic alliance with the United States in the hope that the US-led western world would keep quiet if India implements its hegemonic and expansionist policy in South Asia more particularly in Nepal. However, the international situation is not favourable in the way New Delhi has thought. Moreover, majority of the Nepali people are patriotic who are prepared to sacrifice their lives for the country. It is this patriotic and fighting spirit that kept Nepal independent even when the rest of South Asia was under British colonial rule. Even British could not conquer Nepal because of the valour the patriotic Nepalese people had demonstrated during the Anglo-Nepal war. Even now patriotic forces are powerful and strong in Nepal. They seem to be weak because they are divided. Once they get united, brushing aside their ideological and political leaning, they would form a strong force to be enough in the fight against external hegemony and its Nepali agents. Now it is time that all true patriotic force, irrespective of their political ideology, must get united and create a common front to safeguard Nepal's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity

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