Lessons to be learnt from Bangladeshfailed coup in Bangladesh

-->Yuba Nath Lamsal On January 19, 2012, it was disclosed that the Bangladesh Army foiled and crushed an attempted coup by a small section of the army. The coup, according to government sources, had been attempted by some serving as well as ex-officers of the Bangladesh Army at the instigation of some Bangladeshi civilians at home and abroad, capitalizing on the sentiments of the Islamic extremists groups. In the conspiracy, some mid-level officers were believed to have been involved. The attempted coup was discovered and crushed before it could do any damage to the legitimate government of Bangladesh.
The attempted coup was a planned conspiracy intended to overthrow the Awami League (AL) led civilian Government of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed. Fortunately, the democratic process in Bangladesh was saved as the information of the plot was discovered in time and it was crushed before any untoward incidents could take place. Had the coup been succeeded, democracy in Bangladesh would have suffered yet another setback and the people would have to undergo yet another period of military dictatorship.
Although it will take time to unravel all the facts and details, the entire episode was instigated and engineered by a section of the army which has closer links with Bangladesh’s Islamic fundamentalist groups which are diehard against the democratic and pluralist system. The fundamentalist groups and hardliners want the regime to be run on the basis of Islamic Sharia laws. The Sharia laws deny democratic rights to the people especially the rights of women and it dictates the Islamic theological rules as the guiding principles of the governance.
This is the second attempt of military revolt by hardliners under the Hasina Government since it came to power after the elections of December 2008. On February 25 and 26, 2009, shortly after the Hasina took charge as country’s executive chief, some members of the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) staged a mutiny killing more than 74 persons. The mutineers, backed by the Islamists, wanted to create a rift between the government headed by Hasina and the military, in order to overthrow the civilian government. However, the conspirators failed and in the face of an effective and concerted response by the military top brass that owed allegiance to the democratically elected government, the democratic process was saved.
This shows that democracy in Bangladesh is not safe. Bangladesh is a new country born in 1971 which has suffered much political turbulence since its birth. Military coups and martial laws are frequently occurring phenomenon. Even two great leaders and freedom fighters—Sheikh Mujib Ur Rehaman and Zia Ur Rehaman— who made significant contribution to the liberation of Bangladesh, were also killed in military coups. Sheikh Mujib’s entire family members except Mujib's two daughters were killed in an army engineered plot. The present Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina would have also been killed had she been in Bangladesh when her father Sheikh Mujib and other family members were assassinated. But there have been repeated attempt to assassinate Hasina on various occasions including the two failed plots since she was elected to Prime Minister in 2008. Similarly, other freedom fighters and founder of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) Zia ur Rehman was also killed in yet another military coup.
Though it’s been more than 40 years since Bangladesh was created and a lot of democratic practices have been experimented in the last four decades, Bangladesh has failed to establish democracy as a vibrant institution. No elected government has completed its full term. This is a big setback to democratic policy in Bangladesh. S some thorough and serious soul searching has to be made in order to identify where the leaders and parties in political process over the last forty years have failed institutionalizing and consolidating democratic process in Bangladesh.
Like in other poor developing countries in the world, Bangladesh, too, faces twin challenges of stabilizing democracy and ensuring sustainable economic development by attacking massive poverty in this South Asian country. However, Dhaka has not been able to achieve any significant progress in both of these fronts. Democracy is still in fragile stage while it has not been able to lift its people from poverty. While five per cent people have control over country’s resources, a vast majority of the people lives under absolute poverty and sub-human life. In such a situation, religious fundamentalists and anti-democratic elements often make inroads into the illiterate and poverty-ridden population. The Islamic theology has, thus, greater influence in the poor mass of Bangladesh. The fundamentalists run theocratic schools or madarsas where young children are taught to be militant and make sacrifice for the cause of Islam. Such teaching is not compatible with democratic principles and ideals but children and students are instigated and incited for violence and fighting against democracy. The fundamentalists have significant influence in Bangladesh army as well. It is estimated that the madarsas contribute almost 35 per cent of total recruits in the Bangladesh army. This is the fundamental factor for radicalization of Bangladeshi society in general and Bangladeshi Army in particular.
The radicalization process in Bangladeshi politics has its roots to the coup of 1975, first military coup in the history of Bangladesh as a country. In this coup, founding father of Bangladesh Sheikh Mujib ur was killed. The coup leaders used Islam as an instrument to legitimize their heinous crime and secure power. The governments that were formed following this coup, too, collaborated with radical and fundamentalist Islamic political organizations just for securing power. The political parties including the two mainstream parties—Awami League headed by Sheikh Hasina and Bangladesh Nationalist Party headed by Khalida Zia— also maintained tactical relationships with fundamentalist political organizations, giving them unbridled power, which radicalized society and the polity. Both the Awami League and Bangladesh Nationalist Party are, thus, responsible for the political instability, to a large extent.
Following the recent failed coup attempt, two mainstream parties—the ruling Awami League and opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party have held one another responsible for the coup. The ruling Awami League and its president Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has openly said, “ BNP supporters are desperate to spoil the democratic process and are instigating war criminals and fundamentalists.” However, the BNP has claimed that the policies of Awami League and ‘pro-Indian posture’ of the present government have annoyed the patriotic people of Bangladesh.
It is true that India factor plays important role in Bangladesh politics. India had directly been involved in the Bangladesh’s liberation war in order to ‘teach Pakistan a lesson’. A section of Bangladesh population appreciates India’s role. The Awami League belongs to this breed and this party has been viewed both at home and abroad as a pro-Indian party. However, majority of Bangladeshi population is critical of the Indian policy and its role in Bangladesh. The BNP represents the anti-India sentiment and opposes India’s intervention in Bangladesh. Several Islamic organizations, too, are opposed to India’s intervention in Bangladesh. Since BNP and fundamentalist groups share similar policy when it comes to the relation with India, BNP is often linked with Islamic fundamentalists groups. Historically, Awami League has closer links with India and whenever Awami League comes to power it strikes some special deals with India which are often criticized by many Bangladeshi people.
It is true that BNP has closer links with Islamic groups as well as it enjoys support from large chunk of army. Awami League often dubs BNP as a pro-Pakistani party. Whatever the accusation and counter accusations, India factor has much to do with Bangladesh politics. It is not clear whether the leaders of the failed coup attempt had any connection with the mainstream parties and Islamic fundamentalist groups, it is becoming clearer that the hardliner faction in the army had definitely supported the coup attempt. This shows that Bangladesh would come under army rule any time soon in future.
One likes it or not, it is the political parties that often instigate army to get involved in politics. Instigating army is always detrimental which undermines the democratic polity, price of which the political parties and people of Bangladesh are paying. Nepal should learn a lesson from the experience of Bangladesh that instigating and playing with army is dangerous and bad for democracy and political process. In Nepal too, some political parties especially the Nepali Congress are trying to play army card in order to minimize the role of the Maoists. In the immediate politics, it may benefit the Congress but it would be harmful in the lung-run. The army is being dragged into The army integration is strictly political issue and the army must respect the political decision. Nepali political need to make sure that the army strictly remains under civilian control and obeys whatever decision the government and political parties make