Uncertainty about election
Yuba Nath Lamsal
By the time this write up gets published, Nepal’s politics
may have taken a new turn. Every time, something new and unexpected has taken
place in our political spectrum. This has made things more complicated thereby
making our politics more uncertain and unpredictable.
It had been expected that the decision of four major
political forces on the formation of the chief justice-led government would
bring all political parties on board and create the atmosphere for fresh
election. But this decision has created more complex situation not only in
politics but also in every sphere of life. The opinion in the country has been
sharply divided with some parties raising the constitutionality, legitimacy,
intention and ability of the present government.
In the beginning, public opinion had been sharply divided on
issue concerning whether the chief justice should lead the Executive without relinquishing
the position of the chief of the Judiciary. This issue was raised considering
the principle of separation of power. In a democracy separation of power and
political checks and balances are extremely necessary and in its absence
democracy cannot be functional. Even political parties were and still are
divided. Only the UCPN-Maoist had unanimous voice on this issue. Although
Nepali Congress party has officially backed this decision, there is a strong
voice against this decision. Even the central executive committee was unable to
fully agree on this issue instead it decided to take this matter to the floor
of the party’s more powerful general council meeting.
Even in the CPN-UML, there was a strong hue and cry
especially by the faction opposed to chairman Jhala Nath Khanal. Senior leader
Madhav Kumar Nepal and powerful general secretary Ishwar Pokhrel were vocal
critics of this decision. Although dust seems to have settled at present, this
issue has kept the CPN-UML divided. A whole lot of other disgruntled fringe
parties that have decided to go to streets against the decision. Mohan
Vaidya-led CPN-Maoist has backed this group.
It now seems that the fate of the present government has
become uncertain in less than a month of its formation. The present government
was formed to hold the election by July his year. Holding election in July has
become almost impossible because of the short period for preparation. Four
major political parties have given political backing and mandate to the
government for holding the election at the earliest possibly in July. For this,
they have agreed on the name of commissioners of the Election Commission. Still
the election dates have not yet been announced.
Given the slow progress, the earliest possible date for the
election would be November-December. Some people have even started doubting the
possibility of holding election in November-December. This doubt of the people
has arisen because of the lackluster performance and inaction of the government
and the Election Commission. The present government was formed and
commissioners in the Election Commission were chosen in haste even amending
some of the provisions of the Interim Constitution that barred some of the
commissioners from being appointed in the Election Commission just to pave the
way for holding the election in June this year. If the election is not held in
June, the validity of these decision ceases to exist.
In the first place, the Interim Constitution does not allow
any commissioners to be appointed or reappointed in any other positions after
they retire. But three commissioners of the Election Commission, who had
recently retired from their posts, were appointed again in the Commission
because the new commissioners will not be able to hold the election in the
short period of three months. It is true that new commissioners will require some
time to become familiar and aware of the function, procedures and other
election related works. If the old faces were given the responsibility of the
Commission, it would have been possible to hold the election in June. If the
elections are to be held in November-December, it was not necessary to
reappoint the old commissioners even going against the spirit of the Interim
Constitution. The new commissioners, too, will have sufficient time to get
familiar with all election related jobs and would have been successful in
holding the election because we have at least seven months until November.
Secondly, the present government was formed with the sole
responsibility of holding the election at the earliest, which meant it should
be done in June. It had been agreed that if some unavoidable circumstances make
it impossible in holding election in June, this can be accomplished by
November-December. This provision does not mean that the government has got the
mandate to hold the election in November-December. But the government is
behaving as though it has the mandate to hold the election in any time of its
choice and convenience. Moreover, the government is acting like an elected
government and the ministers are busy in activities other than creating the
atmosphere for election. The acts and activities of the government appear as
though it does not want to hold the election neither June nor in
November-December and intends to prolong its life for indefinite period. The
Election Commission, too, does not appear serious in holding the election at
the earliest and it is seeking pretext to postpone the election, probably under
influence from some unseen forces.
If the elections were to be held in November-December, it
was a mistake on the part of the political parties to hand over power to
non-political people. Such a non-political government should be formed for very
short period or not for more than three months. But some internal and external
interests played key role in creating this kind of odd situation in Nepal’s
political scenario. Internally, Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML are the
principal elements behind this situation because they are prepared to accept
any option, good or bad, just to oust the Bhaburam Bhattarai-led government. In
fact, Bhattarai-led government had constitutional continuity and legality. Some
external forces too pulled strings behind the curtains in order to oust the
government. Now political initiative is slowly slipping out of the hand of the
political parties. This is not at all in the interest of the parties, people
and the country.
Some internal as well as external forces are trying to
prolong this situation so that there would be further chaos and crisis in the
country. If such a situation at all arises, it would be most unfortunate for
the country. Political parties now need to realize that if the elections are
not held soon, it would be counter-productive for parties, as well. In a
democracy, non-party government can never be imagined. But it became possible
due to current unique situation of the crisis. Parties had definitely failed in
the last four years. The Constituent Assembly which was formed through a
democratically election collapsed without accomplishing its principal mandate
of delivering a new constitution. Parties were behind the failure of the
Constituent Assembly. Parties did not allow the Assembly to function
independently. Instead it became a rubber stamp of leaders of three major
parties. The top leaders had chosen to hold a meeting somewhere outside the
floor of the Constituent Assembly completely bypassing and ignoring the
people’s supreme elected body. Had the Constituent Assembly been allowed to
function independently, constitution would have been delivered within the time
it was given.
The present crisis is the making of the parties’ inability
and their partisan politics. The country is now paying the price of it. Despite
failure of the parties, there is no alternative to political parties. Good or
bad, the parties are the key players in politics. Any attempt to seek
alternative to political parties would be not only disaster but also
impossible. The people have to choose out of the existing parties. In other
words, we have to choose worse among the worst ones.
Given the lackluster performance of the present government
and uncertainty of election in June, some have even started saying that
Bhattarai-led government was better than the present one simply because the previous
government had at least constitutional legitimacy. Whatever the logics and counter logics, we
have to cope with the present situation and make sure that election is held by
November. The present government has already lost its validity because of its
inability to hold election in June. If any delay in announcing the election
would mean that it is not willing to hold election even in November-December.
In such an eventuality, the parties need to seek an alternative arrangement.
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