UCPN-Maoist Conclave and revolutionary polarization
Yuba Nath Lamsal
The national convention of the UCPN-Maoist was recently held
and concluded in Biratnagar of East Nepal with adopting a new political line
and electing a new central leadership. In the conclave participated in by more
than 1000 representatives, chairman Puspa Kamal Dahal ‘ Prachanda’ presented a
political report concerning party’s new political line whereas other leaders put forth
organizational and other reports which were overwhelmingly adopted by the
floor. In fact, there was no dissenting voice on the political report presented
by party chairman Prachanda except a few suggestions for its improvement and
perfection.
It had been widely believed that the UCPN-Maoist Biratnagar
conclave would instill more energy and enthusiasm in the party organization so
that it may revive its old glory that the party had lost in the last
Constituent Assembly election. However, the national convention concluded
amidst controversy and even threat from a section led by its senior leader Dr
Baburam Bhattarai not to remain in any position of the party’s leadership
hierarchy. Since there was no difference
on the political report and future political line and programs of the party,
the last minute disputes among the senior leaders only suggests that the senior
leaders are more concerned about the position than the program.
The UCPN-Maoist was definitely got weakened after a sizable section
of the party broke its relation with the mother party and formed a new party
called CPN-Maoist under the leadership of Mohan Vaidya ‘Kiran’. Its results
were clearly seen in the Constituent Assembly election held in November last
year in which the UCPN-Maoist was reduced to the status of the poor third party
from the earlier largest party. It is now becoming clear that the principal
leaders of both the parties are realizing the mistake of party split. Prachanda
seems to have realized that he may not be able to make his party a number one
political force without the unification with other parties especially the
CPN-Maoist whereas Mohan Vaidya ‘ Kiran’ may have thought that his party
alone would not be able to spearhead the
revolution. Thus, both the parties have clearly understood value and strength of
party unity. This ground reality has compelled both the parties’ top leadership
to be positive for party unity. However, there are obstacles in both the
parties for the unification. There is a strong faction in the CPN-Maoist that
does not want reunification with the UCPN-Maoist but wants to re-launch the armed
insurgency in the same fashion the united party had launched 19 years ago.
Similarly, certain sections in the UCPN-Maoist are also active not to allow
unification with the CPN-Maoist. Some external forces also may be active to
keep the two Maoist parties divided so that they remain weak. The UCPN-Maoist
is the party that had raised the issue of nationalism so strongly in the past
that helped secure popular support among the larger audience. However, the
party, after joining the peace and more particularly after going to power, its
patriotic stance became subdued probably because the party did not want to
antagonize India as Indian influence is heavy in Nepal. This stance and position
of the UCPN-Maoist proved fatal to the party as Kiran faction broke relation
with the UCPN-Maoist on ideological and patriotic ground.
The political report presented by Prachanda in the
Biratnagar national convention has, to a large extent, corrected its stance and
position on political line and also on nationalist question. The new political
line is basically continuity to that of the Hetauda national congress, which
has emphasized mainly on peaceful revolution focusing on economic production.
However, the Biratnagar national convention of the UCPN-Maoist has adopted twin
approach of both peaceful and production-related campaign as well as
preparation for the insurrection which demands use of force for the completion
of socialist revolution. The political report has clearly stated that some of
the important achievements of capitalist-democratic revolution have already been
made and some are yet to be achieved. Those achievements include abolition of
monarchy, secularism, federalism and election of Constituent Assembly to write
a new constitution. It further says that these achievements need to be
safeguarded and institutionalized through writing and promulgating a new
constitution at the earliest and working for the preparation of socialist
revolution. For this, Prachanda has underlined
the need for spearheading the movement in a Bolshevik spirit so that socialist
revolution would be successful.
The political report has realized that the party had made
some mistakes on issues concerning patriotic movement. It clearly admits that
the party failed to pursue patriotic cause. Prachanda has openly acknowledged
that the party gave of patriotic position and ignored the interest of the
working class. Now Prachanda has made some improvements in the report saying
that the party would not repeat such mistakes in future and remain a vanguard
on question of nationalism, class interest and revolution. This has provided a
new basis for unity with other revolutionary parties including Mainly the
CPN-Maoist.
It has been widely believed and accepted that Nepal’s
nationalist movement got weakened due mainly to the division and fragmentation
of revolutionary communists. In Nepal, only the communists are nationalist
forces. The other parties either pseudo nationalist or lackeys of imperialist
and expansionist forces. The imperialist forces and reactionary elements both
at home and abroad played role and hatched conspiracies to divide communists
and weaken the communist movement. Communists always focus on national
liberation movement. Ever since Communist Party of Nepal was born, it has
always been focusing on freeing Nepal from external hegemony and oppression.
The communist parties until recently have been defining Nepal as a
semi-colonial and semi-feudal state and emphasized mainly on liberating the
country from the semi-colonial and semi-feudal status. But recently, a new
definition has been mooted that Nepal is no longer a semi-colonial and
semi-feudal state. According to the CPN-UML, Nepal has been an independent
country and not a semi-colonial one. However, the UCPN-Maoist and CPN-Maoist do
not subscribe to this view and insist that Nepal still continues to be in the
semi-colonial state, which needs to be liberated. The national liberation
movement is, thus, its priority. In the past especially after UCPN-Maoist headed
the government, it did not raise this issue very prominently and strongly for
diplomatic reasons. However, the Biratnagar national convention has clearly
spelled out the phrase Indian expansionism as its principal contradiction
against which Nepali revolution has to be primarily directed. On the question
of principal contradiction, the CPN-Maoist and UCPN-Maoist have arrived at a
common point whereas they are moving closer on issue concerning ideology, as
well. Now the UCPN-Maoist has taken a little more left turn and revolutionary
approach, which has created positive ground for unification with revolutionary
communist parties. The UCPN-Maoist document clearly states that the unification
process would not be limited only to the CPN-Maoist but it would be a beginning
in the process of creating a single communist center in Nepal as both the
parties are founded on the fundamental principles of Marxism-Leninism and
Maoism. There are quite a many communist parties, big or small, in the country
and unity among them is necessary not only to form a broad progressive leftist
government but also to bring about radical and progressive reforms and change. Prachanda
has clearly proposed that unification with revolutionary communist parties
including the revolutionary section of the CPN-UML. If realized, it may help in
revolutionary polarization in Nepal. But this may not serve the real purpose if
the communist unification proposition remains merely in papers. What Prachanda
has proposed should be translated into action for which initiative has to be
taken from all sides at the earliest with open mind and open heart putting
Nepali revolution and interest of the people on top of all other agenda. Unification
of two parties needs a common approach and reciprocity from both sides and one
side’s intention alone may not yield results if the other side is not prepared
to reciprocate. Now Prachanda has come up publicly for unification with the
CPN-Maoist for which he is prepared to do everything possible. The CPN-Maoist
leadership, too, need to be flexible and practical so that they would once
again be reunified and lead the Nepali revolution to a greater height.
Comments
Post a Comment