Is unity among all leftist parties possible?
Yuba Nath Lamsal
Lately, it seems that some communist leaders are slowly
reckoning with the fact that they are on the wrong side of history. And if
recent developments are any indication, they are on the path of correcting
their past missteps and irrationality. Perhaps forced by circumstances, the
five Maoist communist parties have at least agreed to forge a united front for
a working unity on some common agendas and issues. Four of these five parties
are the ones which were once together in a single party when the Maoists had
launched an armed insurgency. Now again these parties are in the process of a
broader left unity.
When they were united in the past, their combined strength
was so strong that no other party in the country could ever match their might. The
UCPN-Maoist had won 121 seats out of 240 under the first-past-the post system
of the election held in 2008. But the
UCPN-Maoist won only 26 out of 240 in the election held in November last year.
The UCPN-Maoist claimed that conspiracy and rigging were primarily responsible
for its defeat in the election. It may be true to some extent but not in
totality. The rigging alone was not the sole reason for its humiliating defeat.
Internal problems, contradictions in
principles and action as well as deviation on certain issues are more
responsible for this poor showing of the UCPN-Maoist in the election than the
external conspiracy.
On the ideological front too, the party committed mistakes
one after another. There had been serious mistake and shortcoming in the
process and decisions concerning the army integration. The party gave up its
agenda and stance one after another whereas it failed to deliver anything when
it was in the government. In foreign policy front and more particularly in
relation with India, too, the party slowly but surely gave up its earlier
stance. As a revolutionary communist party, the UCPN-Maoist had raised high the
banner of patriotism and national liberation movement in the past. However, in
the name of diplomatic dealings and communication especially after the party
joined the peace process, hobnobbing with some external elements and even
agency people of other countries was so visible that it badly tarnished its
image in the eyes of patriotic Nepali people. In the first election, many
patriotic Nepalese people had supported and voted the UCPN-Maoist for its
nationalist posture. But its stance and position on certain issues and dealings
with external forces especially India came under scathing criticism from a
large chunk of patriotic people, who in the November election chose not to vote
the UCPN-Maoist. This was one of the issues that led the Vaidya group to exit
from the party. But the UCPN-Maoist was so carried away with the false notion
that this party would continue to maintain its earlier strength even after the
party split.
However, the election results came as a serious blow to the
UCPN-Maoist, which compelled it to do a serious soul searching as to what went
wrong and where the leadership failed to visualize this scenario earlier. The party has finally arrived at a conclusion
has it made series of mistakes on both ideological and practical fronts. Party
chairman Prachanda more than once has made his position clear that there had
been mistakes in the past and vowed to correct those mistakes to ensure that
the UCPN-Maoist regains its earlier position once again. As a result, he
genuinely started dialogue with several other parties for unity.
While Prachanda realized that his strength alone would not
be sufficient to regain the popular support to make the UCP-Maoist the largest
party, Mohan Vaidya, too, arrived at a conclusion that his party also would not
be able to lead and complete the revolution he has been championing. Thus, both
the groups realized the necessity of unity among at least the parties that have
common programmes and policies. The creation of a united front of five parties
including the UCPN-Maoist and CPN-Maoist is, thus, guided by the doctrine of
necessity and out of compulsion. Similarly, other three small groups led by
Matrkia Yadav, Mani Thapa and Pari Thapa, too, have come to realize that they,
with their marginalized strength, would
not achieve what they had planned to do. Moreover, their position and
popularity further declined after they disassociated with the mother party.
Thus, they have finally agreed to forge a united front for the time being but
are expected to ultimately merge into one single party. Now the unity among the
parties that follow Maoism/ Mao Thought as their guiding political and
ideological principle is a praiseworthy move, which, one day, would facilitate
to create a single communist center in Nepal.
All communist groups in Nepal claim to be the only
revolutionary and genuine party and accuse the other either
reformist/revisionist or dogmatist and left extremist group. But the problem
with them is not the ideology but clash for interests and competition for
power. In the communist party, the rivalry for leadership and power is so harsh
and ugly that they do not normally accept the existence of the other or rival,
which ultimately leads to party split. This is not in conformity with Marxist
dialectics.
The Communist Party of Nepal was formed by Puspa Lal along
with his three other colleagues including Nirajan Govinda Vaidya, Narayan Vilas
Joshi and Nara Bahadur Karmacharya in 1949 with the clear objective of
liberating Nepal from the semi-feudal and semi-colonial status. National
liberation movement was therefore a fundamental purpose of the communist party.
The Communist Party of Nepal had thus become of target of expansionist and
imperialist powers and their agents in Nepal for its nationalist and patriotic
posture.
Right from the beginning,
factionalism and factional rivalry had crept into the communist party which
continued to grow. In the third national congress, the factional fight formally
sowed the seed of division in the party. Since then the fragmentation process has
continued unabated, as a result of which we have more than a dozen communist
groups in Nepal. Although the apparent reason for the split in the communist
party was differences in ideological perspective, the inherent factor was the
intention of capturing party leadership. This tendency continues in all
communist parties even in present which is the main obstacle for party unity.
In multi-party political system, multiple political interest
groups and ideologies exist and compete, which is a natural phenomenon. But
rivalries and competition among the political forces that share common and
identical interests, objectives and ideology is quite unbecoming. Thus, it
requires all the political parties that have communist tag and communist
programmes to come together. Now, we have seen a new initiative that has
brought the five Maoist parties together. This may serve as a beginning of the
unity among all the communist and leftist parties in Nepal.
At present there are clearly, three major trends in Nepal’s
communist movement. One is parliamentary trend which is being represented by
the CPN-UML. The second trend is represented by the Mohan Vaidya-led CPN-Maoist,
which does not subscribe to parliamentary road but the path of protracted
people’s war in the fashion Mao Zedong’s Chinese Communist Party launched the
revolution in China. The other trend is twin tactics of peaceful parliamentary
and insurrection to capture state power. The UCPN-Maoist represents this trend.
Whatever the approach and modus operandi, their objective is
to liberate Nepal from capitalist and imperialist exploitation and establish a
socialist type of political superstructure in which there would be equitable
society free from exploitation and discrimination with judicious distribution
of resources. Marxism is the basic and fundamental ideological guideline. Thus,
there is no meaning to have so many communist parties in Nepal with similar
policies and programme. As the communist remain divided, rightist and
reactionaries have reaped benefit. Thus, the communist parties have to either
give up their communist tag and programmes or come together under a single
banner so that there would be a strong communist center in Nepal. Now the
bigger parties have to take initiative and the smaller ones need to respond and
reciprocate positively for the interest of all working class people in Nepal.
The unity and cooperation among the communist parties is even more needed in
the present context when Nepal is in the process of constitution writing. If
the communist parties unite and work together, Nepal will have a genuine
progressive and socialism oriented constitution. For this, CPN-UML and
UCPN-Maoist and CPN-Maoist need to be more flexible. If these three parties strike a deal to
cooperate one another in constitution writing and other issues, other fringe
left parties, too, will join which will have a common strong voice and stance
for a socialist transformation of the country. This is necessary and possible
provided senior most leaders of three main parties respond positively. This
should not be just for marriage of convenience but should be motivated by the
intent of genuinely unifying the communist movement of Nepal.
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