Fight Over Interpretation: The Communist Way
Yuba Nath Lamsal
In a communist party, words and phrases and their interpretation and misinterpretation carry special meaning, which often cause trouble and even split in the party. This is exactly what has happened to Nepal’s communist movement. The Communist Party of Nepal was established in 1949 as the youngest communist party of Asia in a fashion similar to other countries. The objective of the Communist Party of Nepal was clear: not only overthrow the then Rana family’s tyranny but also abolish the entire feudal system.
The monarchy did not figure prominently in the beginning as the Ranas were the symbol of Nepal’s feudalism, whereas the Shah kings were a mere nominal head of state. It was thus natural for a communist party to direct its attack on the Ranas. However, the monarchy, too, was a part of the entire feudal system in Nepal, which would automatically see its abolition once the feudal political, economic and social orders were dismantled. There should, therefore, be no confusion on the intention of the communist party in Nepal regarding the monarchy.
Understanding the communist movement
Pushpa Lal was the principal founder of the Communist Party of Nepal whereas the other four founding members played a supportive role. The statement and views Pushpa Lal expressed through his writings on various occasions and on various topics reflect the views and stance of the Communist Party of Nepal and its goal. However, many people have interpreted the views and intention of the communist party led by Pushpa Lal in a different tone and rhythm, which has created confusion in understanding Nepal’s communist movement.
Pushpa Lal was clear on the goal of the communists in Nepal. They were to ultimately abolish the monarchy and establish a republican communist state. As a tactics to achieving the strategic goal, Pushpa Lal had proposed a joint struggle along with the other parties, including the Nepali Congress, to establish multi-party democracy. Initially, this stance was taken as the correct move. But fissures and splits surfaced in the communist party after the king took over power by disbanding the democratic regime and restricting the activities of the political parties.
Pushpa Lal again proposed a united front with other democratic parties to re-establish democracy in Nepal, which was opposed by other colleagues like Man Mohan Adhikari and Keshar Jung Rayamajhi. There were sharp differences between Pushpa Lal and his colleagues on who the principal enemy of the party was. Pushpa Lal insisted that feudalism that was protected and patronised by the monarchy, was the principal enemy, and it was, thus, necessary to abolish it to achieve the party’s long-term goal. For this, he proposed a united front with the Nepali Congress.
Since the Nepali Congress enjoyed India’s support, an anti-Pushpa Lal faction in the party dubbed the Nepali Congress as an Indian agent and termed Pushpa Lal’s policies of a united movement as being guided by the Indian establishment. Keshar Jung Rayamajhi even went one step ahead and demanded that it support the royal coup in 1960.
Although domestic issues also played a role to a large extent, the split in Nepal’s communist movement was more to do with external factors that surfaced after Russia and China adopted different approaches and definitions about how to advance the communist movement. Rayamajhi and his gang entered the Soviet camp whereas Pushpa Lal continued to advocate the Chinese model. On this ground, the communists in Nepal split, which continues even today. The communist movement in Nepal, thus, fell into controversy soon after its birth.
Until Joseph Stalin was alive, Russia was the leader of the communist movement throughout the world. Even China, which had just established a communist regime through an armed revolution, badly needed Russia’s economic and technological support. But the entire situation changed after Stalin’s demise. When Nikita Khrushchev rose to the top post of the Russian Communist Party after the death of Stalin, he not only condemned Stalin’s policies but also introduced reforms in the communist party, which, he described was a new and democratic way of consolidating socialism and achieving the goal of communism.
However, the world reacted sharply to the Russian approach of advancing socialism and communism. China was more vocal and dubbed this move as being revisionist and a rightist approach which would ultimately derail the communist movement. It also refused to accept Khrushchev’s new Russia as its role model. This was the point when the Russian and Chinese communist regimes adopted two different approaches.
Although the initial days were difficult for China, as the Russians withdrew all their economic, technical and technological assistance, it remained determined to develop its own brand of communism. Khrushchev’s policies ultimately led the Soviet Union to its dissolution. This is the destiny of revisionism and misinterpretation of the revolution and communism, which the communist parties all over the world must take as a serious lesson.
In a communist party, strategy is its long-term goal, which is to be achieved through a revolution or other means. The strategy of a revolutionary communist party is always to establish new people’s democracy, subsequently leading to the establishment of socialism and ultimately communism. The means for achieving the goal of establishing new democracy is definitely the revolution to be launched in a fashion similar to the one carried out in Mao’s China in 1949. But the revisionist communist parties may have different goals and different programmes, which vary depending upon the situation of a particular country and nature of the revisionist parties.
In the context of Nepal, over a dozen communist parties exist with every group claiming to be the genuine communist party and the rest as revisionist and rightist parties. But the Unified Communist Party (Maoist) and the CPN-UML are the two major parties that enjoy broad support of the people. The UCPN-Maoist is not only the largest communist party but also the largest political party of Nepal based on the results of the Constituent Assembly election held two-and-a-half years ago. The CPN-UML is the second largest communist party and the third largest political party of Nepal. These two parties have their own glorious history, but their approaches and goals are different.
The goal of the CPN-UML is to go to power through the ballot under the present parliamentary system and implement some progressive reforms with the objective of bringing about some tangible changes in the lives of the people, especially those that belong to the lower strata of society.
However, the way this party has been functioning over the last two decades since it joined peaceful parliamentary politics shows no indication of it being any different from the other rightist parties. Given the ideological transformation it has undergone right from its fourth congress and more particularly from the fifth congress in the name of adopting the people’s multi-party democracy proposed by late Madan Bhandari, the CPN-UML is no longer a communist party.
The CPN-UML has long abandoned the communist ideology. It has proved itself to be an alternative democratic party that champions the fundamental principles of the western model of democracy. In other words, it would be more appropriate to call the CPN-UML a social democratic party than a communist party.
So far as the UCPN-Maoist is concerned, it is now at a crossroad - whether to follow the UML line or to continue with its old policies of achieving the goal of socialism and communism through the revolution. There are clearly two sets of ideas within the UCPN-Maoist that were proposed at the central committee meeting of the Maoist party. Unable to resolve the issue, the central committee has decided to take them to the extended committee meeting to begin on November 21 in the mid-hilly district of Gorkha.
Technically, there are three political proposals in the Maoist party to be settled by the extended committee meeting that comprises central committee and state committee members. Party Chairman Prachanda, senior vice chairman Mohan Vaidya and vice chairman Baburam Bhattarai have come up with their own proposals in the party that are related to the party’s future political course or tactical policy. But politically, these three documents can be grouped into two visions.
Differing views of the Maoists
Prachanda and Vaidya have similar views on most of the issues whereas Bhattarai has differences on certain key issues. Prachanda and Vaidya view the principal enemy in the present context to be the external expansionist force and so a decisive struggle should be directed against it. But Bhattarai’s position is that the principal enemy is not the external force but its domestic agents, and the party’s tactical policies should, therefore, be developed accordingly. This is the crux of the problem which is expected to be resolved by the extended committee meeting.
In a communist party, words and phrases and their interpretation and misinterpretation carry special meaning, which often cause trouble and even split in the party. This is exactly what has happened to Nepal’s communist movement. The Communist Party of Nepal was established in 1949 as the youngest communist party of Asia in a fashion similar to other countries. The objective of the Communist Party of Nepal was clear: not only overthrow the then Rana family’s tyranny but also abolish the entire feudal system.
The monarchy did not figure prominently in the beginning as the Ranas were the symbol of Nepal’s feudalism, whereas the Shah kings were a mere nominal head of state. It was thus natural for a communist party to direct its attack on the Ranas. However, the monarchy, too, was a part of the entire feudal system in Nepal, which would automatically see its abolition once the feudal political, economic and social orders were dismantled. There should, therefore, be no confusion on the intention of the communist party in Nepal regarding the monarchy.
Understanding the communist movement
Pushpa Lal was the principal founder of the Communist Party of Nepal whereas the other four founding members played a supportive role. The statement and views Pushpa Lal expressed through his writings on various occasions and on various topics reflect the views and stance of the Communist Party of Nepal and its goal. However, many people have interpreted the views and intention of the communist party led by Pushpa Lal in a different tone and rhythm, which has created confusion in understanding Nepal’s communist movement.
Pushpa Lal was clear on the goal of the communists in Nepal. They were to ultimately abolish the monarchy and establish a republican communist state. As a tactics to achieving the strategic goal, Pushpa Lal had proposed a joint struggle along with the other parties, including the Nepali Congress, to establish multi-party democracy. Initially, this stance was taken as the correct move. But fissures and splits surfaced in the communist party after the king took over power by disbanding the democratic regime and restricting the activities of the political parties.
Pushpa Lal again proposed a united front with other democratic parties to re-establish democracy in Nepal, which was opposed by other colleagues like Man Mohan Adhikari and Keshar Jung Rayamajhi. There were sharp differences between Pushpa Lal and his colleagues on who the principal enemy of the party was. Pushpa Lal insisted that feudalism that was protected and patronised by the monarchy, was the principal enemy, and it was, thus, necessary to abolish it to achieve the party’s long-term goal. For this, he proposed a united front with the Nepali Congress.
Since the Nepali Congress enjoyed India’s support, an anti-Pushpa Lal faction in the party dubbed the Nepali Congress as an Indian agent and termed Pushpa Lal’s policies of a united movement as being guided by the Indian establishment. Keshar Jung Rayamajhi even went one step ahead and demanded that it support the royal coup in 1960.
Although domestic issues also played a role to a large extent, the split in Nepal’s communist movement was more to do with external factors that surfaced after Russia and China adopted different approaches and definitions about how to advance the communist movement. Rayamajhi and his gang entered the Soviet camp whereas Pushpa Lal continued to advocate the Chinese model. On this ground, the communists in Nepal split, which continues even today. The communist movement in Nepal, thus, fell into controversy soon after its birth.
Until Joseph Stalin was alive, Russia was the leader of the communist movement throughout the world. Even China, which had just established a communist regime through an armed revolution, badly needed Russia’s economic and technological support. But the entire situation changed after Stalin’s demise. When Nikita Khrushchev rose to the top post of the Russian Communist Party after the death of Stalin, he not only condemned Stalin’s policies but also introduced reforms in the communist party, which, he described was a new and democratic way of consolidating socialism and achieving the goal of communism.
However, the world reacted sharply to the Russian approach of advancing socialism and communism. China was more vocal and dubbed this move as being revisionist and a rightist approach which would ultimately derail the communist movement. It also refused to accept Khrushchev’s new Russia as its role model. This was the point when the Russian and Chinese communist regimes adopted two different approaches.
Although the initial days were difficult for China, as the Russians withdrew all their economic, technical and technological assistance, it remained determined to develop its own brand of communism. Khrushchev’s policies ultimately led the Soviet Union to its dissolution. This is the destiny of revisionism and misinterpretation of the revolution and communism, which the communist parties all over the world must take as a serious lesson.
In a communist party, strategy is its long-term goal, which is to be achieved through a revolution or other means. The strategy of a revolutionary communist party is always to establish new people’s democracy, subsequently leading to the establishment of socialism and ultimately communism. The means for achieving the goal of establishing new democracy is definitely the revolution to be launched in a fashion similar to the one carried out in Mao’s China in 1949. But the revisionist communist parties may have different goals and different programmes, which vary depending upon the situation of a particular country and nature of the revisionist parties.
In the context of Nepal, over a dozen communist parties exist with every group claiming to be the genuine communist party and the rest as revisionist and rightist parties. But the Unified Communist Party (Maoist) and the CPN-UML are the two major parties that enjoy broad support of the people. The UCPN-Maoist is not only the largest communist party but also the largest political party of Nepal based on the results of the Constituent Assembly election held two-and-a-half years ago. The CPN-UML is the second largest communist party and the third largest political party of Nepal. These two parties have their own glorious history, but their approaches and goals are different.
The goal of the CPN-UML is to go to power through the ballot under the present parliamentary system and implement some progressive reforms with the objective of bringing about some tangible changes in the lives of the people, especially those that belong to the lower strata of society.
However, the way this party has been functioning over the last two decades since it joined peaceful parliamentary politics shows no indication of it being any different from the other rightist parties. Given the ideological transformation it has undergone right from its fourth congress and more particularly from the fifth congress in the name of adopting the people’s multi-party democracy proposed by late Madan Bhandari, the CPN-UML is no longer a communist party.
The CPN-UML has long abandoned the communist ideology. It has proved itself to be an alternative democratic party that champions the fundamental principles of the western model of democracy. In other words, it would be more appropriate to call the CPN-UML a social democratic party than a communist party.
So far as the UCPN-Maoist is concerned, it is now at a crossroad - whether to follow the UML line or to continue with its old policies of achieving the goal of socialism and communism through the revolution. There are clearly two sets of ideas within the UCPN-Maoist that were proposed at the central committee meeting of the Maoist party. Unable to resolve the issue, the central committee has decided to take them to the extended committee meeting to begin on November 21 in the mid-hilly district of Gorkha.
Technically, there are three political proposals in the Maoist party to be settled by the extended committee meeting that comprises central committee and state committee members. Party Chairman Prachanda, senior vice chairman Mohan Vaidya and vice chairman Baburam Bhattarai have come up with their own proposals in the party that are related to the party’s future political course or tactical policy. But politically, these three documents can be grouped into two visions.
Differing views of the Maoists
Prachanda and Vaidya have similar views on most of the issues whereas Bhattarai has differences on certain key issues. Prachanda and Vaidya view the principal enemy in the present context to be the external expansionist force and so a decisive struggle should be directed against it. But Bhattarai’s position is that the principal enemy is not the external force but its domestic agents, and the party’s tactical policies should, therefore, be developed accordingly. This is the crux of the problem which is expected to be resolved by the extended committee meeting.
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