Nepal-India Relations: Issues and prospects

Yuba Nath Lamsal

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi recently concluded a two-day whirlwind visit of Nepal at the invitation of his Nepali counterpart Prime Minister Sushil Koirala, who had extended the invitation to the newly elected Indian premier a month and a half ago, when Koirala was in New Delhi to attend Modi’s inauguration ceremony.
The rumour mill has it that Koirala had told Modi that he would not visit India unless his Indian counterpart first came to Nepal for an official visit as no Indian prime minister has done so for the last 17 years. The last Indian prime minister to visit Nepal was IK Gujral in 1997, whereas Nepalese prime ministers have called on New Delhi almost a dozen times during this period.

Visit's timing
Modi’s visit was watched with keen interest not because he was the first Indian prime minister to visit Nepal in 17 years but for the time he chose for the visit. In the first place, it was his second South Asian trip and also the second foreign bilateral visit (Modi visited Brazil last month to attend the BRICS meeting, but it was not a bilateral visit).
Modi’s visit, therefore, points to the importance and priority the new Indian government has attached to relations with its neighbours, including Nepal. During his visit, he expressed the willingness to do everything possible to assist Nepal in its development endeavours and also for furthering Nepal-India relations in the changed national and international context. Modi’s assurances are definitely praiseworthy, provided they are translated into action.

Physically, Nepal and India are close neighbours, sharing a 1,880 km border. But psychologically they are far apart. Roughly they face similar problems and also an almost identical culture. They believe that their destiny is common. They also realise that a better future for them lies on mutual cooperation. But these beliefs have so far remained a mere rhetoric.

Nepal-India relations are historically characterised by two sets of symptoms. India bears a superiority complex and Nepal suffers from an inferiority psychosis. This has created a ‘dominant-dependant syndrome’, which is the fundamental problem in Nepal-India relations. This psychology has to be dispelled from the minds and hearts of the people in both the countries, if Nepal-India relations are to develop so that they can cope with the newer challenges of the 21st century.

Like it or not, there are definitely some misgivings and apprehensions in Nepal about India’s policy and attitude. The ‘dominant-dependant psychosis’ is primarily responsible for the deficit of trust between these two countries. Some arrangements and agreements between the two countries have added to these reservations and susceptibility.

The 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship has been a key bone of contention right from the time of its signing, and a large section of the Nepali population is demanding its review and amendment if not outright abrogation as it infringes upon Nepal’s independent decision-making power on certain issues, including the one concerning the purchase of arms and weapons from third countries for the Nepal Army.

In the past, India was not prepared even to talk about the 1950 Treaty let alone review and change it. But Narendra Modi, after coming to power, has kept all issues open for talks and negotiation so that it is in the interest of both the countries. On the issue concerning the review of the 1950 Treaty and other contentious issues, Modi has frankly asked Nepal to come up with a proposal on which negotiation could be held. Modi has, therefore, thrown the ball into Nepal's court.

By doing this, Modi has succeeded in not only clearing the misgivings towards India, to a large extent, but has also won the confidence and trust of the Nepalese people through his frankness, open mind and liberal attitude towards Nepal, which has helped in creating an atmosphere of trust between the two countries. Perhaps, this is the biggest achievement of Narendra Modi’s visit to Nepal.
If the aura and optimism created by Modi’s visit are to be translated into action, this would mark the departure of India’s earlier policy towards its neighbours, which has often come under criticism not only in the neighbourhood but also within India.

Some Indian analysts have openly criticised India’s ‘flawed’ policy towards its neighbours, calling for a change in it. C. Raja Mohan, in the recent Op-ed column of the Indian Express newspaper, compared India’s Nepal policy with that of China, and stated ‘India promises and China delivers’. Thus, it remains to be seen how sincerely India translates Modi’s promises and assurances that he made during his visit here.

Prime Minister Modi seems to be guided by the policy of pursuance rather than coercion to win the confidence and trust of his neighbours. Should Modi's assurances materialise, a new and positive chapter would definitely begin in Nepal-India relations. This is an opportunity for both Nepal and India to enter into a new phase of our relations.

India is marching ahead to become a global power, and if it is to succeed in achieving this goal, New Delhi must shed its old mindset and change its policy towards its neighbours. India can be a global power only when it wins the confidence of its neighbours. Prime Minister Modi seems to be well aware of this scenario, and his tone and words during his visit to Nepal are indicative that he is willing to review its policy and create a new sense of bonhomie and camaraderie in South Asia and beyond.
If we analyse India’s traditional behaviour and policy towards Nepal, we can conclude that two mindsets and attitudes have long been existing in New Delhi. History is witness that the Indian Congress and its governments have been conservative while handling relations with its neighbours while non-Congress governments have been relatively liberal.

During the Congress governments in New Delhi, the bureaucracy became more dominant in handling relations with Nepal, the best example of which was visibly felt during the tenure of Dr. Manmohan Singh as India’s prime minister. But non-Congress governments tried to handle the policy towards Nepal at the political level and with more ease. The signs of departure from the traditional policy first started during the tenure of Prime Minister Morarji Desai, the first non-Congress government of India. However, the initiative Desai took could not materialise as his government collapsed before it could make making any visible and concrete impact on Nepal-India relations.

Similarly, the VP Singh and IK Gujral governments were relatively more liberal towards Nepal and tried to bring about some positive changes in India’s Nepal policy. Unfortunately, both these governments, too, were short-lived.

Now the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader, Narendra Modi, is leading a strong non-Congress government in New Delhi, from which more visible and positive changes are expected in the neighbourhood. Modi has offered an olive branch of a more meaningful friendship and alliance of amity, from which Nepal can take optimum advantage.

Serious homework needed
This is the time for Nepal to test whether India’s new gesture and attitude are only for public consumption or they really mean action. Since the Indian prime minister has clearly asked Nepal to come up with a proposal on its position, arguments and demands on an array of issues, including the 1950 Treaty, Nepal must now engage itself in serious homework with due consultation with experts and demonstrate our best diplomatic acumen.