History repeats in Nepali politics
By Yuba Nath Lamsal
History often repeats and it does more in politics. Those who learn from history and act accordingly succeed in their mission and goals. When leaders and politicians fail to learn from history and often repeat the mistakes, they are most likely to meet the doomsday.
If we anaylise the present political scenario, it is sufficient to conclude that the old bad days are being repeated once again in Nepalese political arena. The present political situation is exactly the same as it had been in the period between 1994 and 1997. During those three years, Nepal saw the worst practice of multi-party parliamentary political system. This period has been written down in the history of Nepal as the black period of Nepal’s democratic experience.
This was the period when the country saw a height of political instability with six different governments in the period of just four years. The second general election produced a hung parliament with no party having the majority to form the single-party government. Immediately after the election, the CPN-UML formed the minority government. Other parties extended support from outside.
Although the minority government had made a good start, it could survive only for six months. Technically the period of UML minority government was nine months but practically it was six months because the government dragged on for three more months by avoiding the vote of no-confidence motion in parliament registered by other parties. The Monmohan led- UML government dissolved the parliament to avoid the censure motion in parliament, which was later quashed by the Supreme Court thereby reinstating the House.
The CPN-UML was the largest party in parliament and it had the legitimate authority to lead the government—be it minority or coalition. The UML was also a radical one that time, although this party had been fully committed to multi-party democracy. Unlike the Maoists, the UML did not have its own army. During its six-months in power, the UML did not interfere in army, bureaucracy and judiciary. But UML was accused of trying to indoctrinate bureaucracy, army and other institution, which was not based on ground reality. Justifying the move to remove CPN-UML minority government, the then parliamentary party leader of the Nepali Congress Sher Bahadur Deuba, in an interview to The Rising Nepal, had said, “ the CPN-UML is trying to create a committed bureaucracy, committed army and committed judiciary”. The activities and the role UML played in the later period proved that those allegations were totally unfounded and the entire exercise was to remove the UML from power. Subsequently, an alliance of Nepali Congress and pro-royalist forces was created and the UML was removed from power.
In the situation when no single party had the majority, the head counts of the lawmakers played an important role. The Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) was in the crucial position of 20 seats in parliament. Its support could be decisive in creating majority required to form the government. The Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML desperately sought to bring the RPP into their fold so that they could form the government in partnership with the RPP. In this attempt, the Nepali Congress was successful in wooing the RPP and a coalition government headed by Sher Bahadur Deuba was formed.
However, the game did not end there. Desperate and frustrated of being e out of power, the CPN-UML vowed to take revenge by ousting the Nepali Congress from power by any means. Guided by this motive, the UML offered the RPP the post of the prime minister just to go to power. RPP was divided in parliament into pro-Congress and pro-UML faction. An ugly scene of sitting the lawmakers of the same party in treasury and opposition benches was seen in parliament. Finally, pro-UML faction held its sway and the UML-RPP government was formed headed by Lokendra Bahadur Chand.
The game of grabbing power and removing from power became a general practice. The Congress again came with a scheme offering premiership to another leader of the RPP—Surya Bahadur Thapa, which formed another coalition government of Congress and the RPP. This ugly power game continued until another general election. All kinds of tricks and tactics—moral and immoral— were applied in this power politics. This period was a scar in the history of Nepal’s parliamentary politics.
The similar situation has emerged at present. The only difference is the change of the players but the game is the same. In 1994-97, the game was between the Congress and the CPN-UML. Now it is between the Maoists and the Congress. The Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) and the CPN-UML are playing the exact role RPP played in the past. The RPP was closed to the royalist elements and it had been perceived that this party was acting on the instigation and instruction from the Palace to create uncertainty and chaos and defame the multi-party democracy so that the stage would be set to make a royalist force a comeback.
It was the period when the Maoists also emerged as a fighting force in the jungle of western Nepal which later spread nationwide. Since then a height of instability and uncertainty prevailed in the country. Taking advantage of this situation, the then king Gayanendra trampled democracy and imposed his absolute dictatorship.
If we analyse the present political scenario, we can draw similar analogy. The RPP acted at the behest of the Palace to defame and weaken democracy. Now question is being raised whether some political forces are being used by the elements both at home and abroad to again weaken democracy and national interest of Nepal.
Now Madheshi Janadhikar Forum must realize that the RPP was split into three parties just because of its dubious role in the past. The MJF is already heading for a split as both Yadav and Gachchhadar factions are claiming legitimacy of their moves. Thus, the MJF factions are being used by other forces which may not be in the interest of its own as well as for democratic development in the country. Parties are the important asset in a multiparty democracy. If political parties are weak, democracy would also be weakened. So the political parties must be saved form splitting.
History has been repeated in another sense as well. In 1995, the largest party in parliament was kept out of power which paved the way for instability. Similarly, the Maoist party—the largest force in the Constituent Assembly— has been removed from power, which is not a healthy symptom for the country’s stability. If instability prevails, it may also pave the way for another dictatorship in the country against which the political parties and their leaders must be watchful. Moreover, the fundamental task of the government and the parties is to conclude the peace process and writing the new constitution. But these tasks cannot be accomplished by marginalizing the Maoist party. Thus, political parties and their leaders need to learn lesson from history and act democratically and responsibly in this crucial hours of history.
History often repeats and it does more in politics. Those who learn from history and act accordingly succeed in their mission and goals. When leaders and politicians fail to learn from history and often repeat the mistakes, they are most likely to meet the doomsday.
If we anaylise the present political scenario, it is sufficient to conclude that the old bad days are being repeated once again in Nepalese political arena. The present political situation is exactly the same as it had been in the period between 1994 and 1997. During those three years, Nepal saw the worst practice of multi-party parliamentary political system. This period has been written down in the history of Nepal as the black period of Nepal’s democratic experience.
This was the period when the country saw a height of political instability with six different governments in the period of just four years. The second general election produced a hung parliament with no party having the majority to form the single-party government. Immediately after the election, the CPN-UML formed the minority government. Other parties extended support from outside.
Although the minority government had made a good start, it could survive only for six months. Technically the period of UML minority government was nine months but practically it was six months because the government dragged on for three more months by avoiding the vote of no-confidence motion in parliament registered by other parties. The Monmohan led- UML government dissolved the parliament to avoid the censure motion in parliament, which was later quashed by the Supreme Court thereby reinstating the House.
The CPN-UML was the largest party in parliament and it had the legitimate authority to lead the government—be it minority or coalition. The UML was also a radical one that time, although this party had been fully committed to multi-party democracy. Unlike the Maoists, the UML did not have its own army. During its six-months in power, the UML did not interfere in army, bureaucracy and judiciary. But UML was accused of trying to indoctrinate bureaucracy, army and other institution, which was not based on ground reality. Justifying the move to remove CPN-UML minority government, the then parliamentary party leader of the Nepali Congress Sher Bahadur Deuba, in an interview to The Rising Nepal, had said, “ the CPN-UML is trying to create a committed bureaucracy, committed army and committed judiciary”. The activities and the role UML played in the later period proved that those allegations were totally unfounded and the entire exercise was to remove the UML from power. Subsequently, an alliance of Nepali Congress and pro-royalist forces was created and the UML was removed from power.
In the situation when no single party had the majority, the head counts of the lawmakers played an important role. The Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) was in the crucial position of 20 seats in parliament. Its support could be decisive in creating majority required to form the government. The Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML desperately sought to bring the RPP into their fold so that they could form the government in partnership with the RPP. In this attempt, the Nepali Congress was successful in wooing the RPP and a coalition government headed by Sher Bahadur Deuba was formed.
However, the game did not end there. Desperate and frustrated of being e out of power, the CPN-UML vowed to take revenge by ousting the Nepali Congress from power by any means. Guided by this motive, the UML offered the RPP the post of the prime minister just to go to power. RPP was divided in parliament into pro-Congress and pro-UML faction. An ugly scene of sitting the lawmakers of the same party in treasury and opposition benches was seen in parliament. Finally, pro-UML faction held its sway and the UML-RPP government was formed headed by Lokendra Bahadur Chand.
The game of grabbing power and removing from power became a general practice. The Congress again came with a scheme offering premiership to another leader of the RPP—Surya Bahadur Thapa, which formed another coalition government of Congress and the RPP. This ugly power game continued until another general election. All kinds of tricks and tactics—moral and immoral— were applied in this power politics. This period was a scar in the history of Nepal’s parliamentary politics.
The similar situation has emerged at present. The only difference is the change of the players but the game is the same. In 1994-97, the game was between the Congress and the CPN-UML. Now it is between the Maoists and the Congress. The Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) and the CPN-UML are playing the exact role RPP played in the past. The RPP was closed to the royalist elements and it had been perceived that this party was acting on the instigation and instruction from the Palace to create uncertainty and chaos and defame the multi-party democracy so that the stage would be set to make a royalist force a comeback.
It was the period when the Maoists also emerged as a fighting force in the jungle of western Nepal which later spread nationwide. Since then a height of instability and uncertainty prevailed in the country. Taking advantage of this situation, the then king Gayanendra trampled democracy and imposed his absolute dictatorship.
If we analyse the present political scenario, we can draw similar analogy. The RPP acted at the behest of the Palace to defame and weaken democracy. Now question is being raised whether some political forces are being used by the elements both at home and abroad to again weaken democracy and national interest of Nepal.
Now Madheshi Janadhikar Forum must realize that the RPP was split into three parties just because of its dubious role in the past. The MJF is already heading for a split as both Yadav and Gachchhadar factions are claiming legitimacy of their moves. Thus, the MJF factions are being used by other forces which may not be in the interest of its own as well as for democratic development in the country. Parties are the important asset in a multiparty democracy. If political parties are weak, democracy would also be weakened. So the political parties must be saved form splitting.
History has been repeated in another sense as well. In 1995, the largest party in parliament was kept out of power which paved the way for instability. Similarly, the Maoist party—the largest force in the Constituent Assembly— has been removed from power, which is not a healthy symptom for the country’s stability. If instability prevails, it may also pave the way for another dictatorship in the country against which the political parties and their leaders must be watchful. Moreover, the fundamental task of the government and the parties is to conclude the peace process and writing the new constitution. But these tasks cannot be accomplished by marginalizing the Maoist party. Thus, political parties and their leaders need to learn lesson from history and act democratically and responsibly in this crucial hours of history.
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