National Govt A Must
By Yuba Nath Lamsal
The politics of consensus and cooperation among the political parties that began during the anti-king movement in 2005 came to an end after the election to the Constituent Assembly two years ago. Parties that had been talking tall of the consensual politics abruptly breached their own promises. And they are busy in calculating their partisan gains in the post-election scenario.
This situation arrived due to the unexpected outcome of the Constituent Assembly election. Prior to the election, the Nepali Congress and the Maoists had been portrayed as the underdog whereas the CPN-UML had been projected as the possible winner in the Constituent Assembly election. Although the media had projected UML’s better position in the election, the party was not confident of its win. The UML was not optimistic of its win because its position had been shaken due to the Maoists’ emerging strength nationwide. The Maoists’ rise had weakened UML’s organizational strength as many UML cadres had already joined the Maoists party. The UML leadership had realized this scenario. At the best, the UML had hoped the position of being the largest party in the Constituent Assembly but it was not hopeful of winning the majority. In such an eventuality, UML might need other parties’ support to form its government. Visualizing this situation, UML had advocated the politics of consensus.
So far as the Nepali Congress is concerned, it, too, had not hoped to win the majority in the Constituent Assembly. Since the Congress was heading the interim coalition government prior to the election, it was hopeful of leading yet another coalition government after the Constituent Assembly election if no party won the majority. As the Congress would not be able to form the government on its own strength, it would require support from other parties. Guided by this motive, the Congress was for a consensus government.
Prior to the Constituent Assembly election, the Maoists had been dubbed as the possible loser in the electoral politics. The armed chair opinion polls, political analysts and election watchers had predicted that the Maoists would end up in the third position in the election. The Maoists, too, were not confident of their position in the election. The Maoists had already tasted power being the part of interim coalition government headed by Congress president Girija Prasad Koirala and they wanted to continue to be in power even after the election. As they had not been confident of their bigger presence after the election, the Maoists wanted to remain power as a part of the coalition government. For this purpose, the Maoists called for a consensus politics.
But the election results came out the way. The election results proved all election watchers, opinion polls and political analysts wrong. The election results put the Maoists on the first position, whereas the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML on the second and third position. The result was indeed a shocking for the Congress and the CPN-UML in the sense that they got far smaller seats compared to the Maoists. The election results were also unexpected for the Maoists, too, as they did not hope to get such a large number of seats. Also the emergence of the Madhasi parties also changed the political equation and scenario.
The election results forced the parties to change their strategy and tactics to cope with the newly emerged political situation. Since the Maoists emerged as the single largest force in the Constituent Assembly, they had legitimate right to claim the post of the executive heads. But they failed to realize the fact that their own strength was not sufficient to form the government. Taking advantage from the hung Constituent Assembly, other parties mainly the Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and Madhesh-based parties demanded bigger say and share in the post-election political equation. There was unanimity among all the parties for allowing the Maoists to head the government because of its dominant presence in the Constituent Assembly. Other parties sought their own role in the new power equation. The Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML staked claim in the chair of the president. Congress demand could be justified as it was the second largest party. At the same time, the Maoists and the UML also staked claim in this coveted position.
This was the beginning of the entire problem. In this power game, both the Maoists and the Congress tried to play one against the other party. In the power game, CPN-UML proved to be a novice. Despite much maneuvering, the parties got what they deserved based on their strength and position in the Constituent Assembly—no more and no less. But the Maoists were defeated in their political trick as all other parties got united to foil the Maoists design during the election for the president.
The Maoists got the premiership, Congress the president, UML the chairperson of the Constituent Assembly and Madhesi Janadhikar Forum the vice president. This was a perfect arrangement for power sharing. Although, the parties got their share as per their strength in the Constituent Assembly, they breached the politics of consensus for their partisan gains. The parties quickly ignored their own earlier rhetoric and.
Despite Maoists’ mistakes and failure in the election for the president and vice president, the Maoists were allowed to head the new coalition government. But the Nepali Congress refused to join the government, which is the beginning of the breach of consensus. The UML and Madhesi Janadhikar Forum joined the government which lasted for nine months. During this nine-month period, everything was going smoothly except some minor hiccups and hitches. But the atmosphere of mistrust heightened when the Maoists decided to sack the then army chief. Although the Maoists claimed that they had consulted duly with other coalition partners and taken their approval before taking final decision on sacking the army chief, other coalition partners walked out of the government the moment the decision was announced on the army chief issue. The Maoists’ decision could not be implemented as the president intervened and blocked the decision to sack the army chief. This is when the crisis began and Prime Minister Prachanda resigned.
Prachanda’s resignation paved the way for the formation of the non-Maoist government headed by Madhav Kumar Nepal. In bringing 22 parties into the coalition government lies Madhav Nepal’s ability to run the coalition government. But he has not been able to garner the support of the largest party—UCPN (Maoist). Instead he has constantly faced the wrath of the opposition both in parliament and on the streets.
The political maneuvering that started in Nepal’s political landscape soon after the election to the Constituent Assembly two years ago continues unabated even today. Now the Maoists are desperate to grab power whereas the present Prime Minister also seems to be prepared to do everything possible to retain his hold on power. This power tussle among the parties has pushed the main political agenda of constitution writing to the background. The success of the ongoing peace process hinges on the early writing of the new constitution. If the political parties continue to lock horn on power grabbing and power retaining issues, the constitution writing would definitely not be complete within the stipulated time, which would delay the peace process. The early writing of the constitution is a must. But the constitution may not be written in the absence of Maoists’ support. Thus, the formation of the national government is a must for successfully writing the constitution and concluding the peace process. In the past the parties talked of consensus and cooperation for their own partisan interest. But consensus is necessary for the country, democracy, stability and peace. The parties are, therefore, expected to behave and act responsibly putting the national interest on the top of all other agenda.
The politics of consensus and cooperation among the political parties that began during the anti-king movement in 2005 came to an end after the election to the Constituent Assembly two years ago. Parties that had been talking tall of the consensual politics abruptly breached their own promises. And they are busy in calculating their partisan gains in the post-election scenario.
This situation arrived due to the unexpected outcome of the Constituent Assembly election. Prior to the election, the Nepali Congress and the Maoists had been portrayed as the underdog whereas the CPN-UML had been projected as the possible winner in the Constituent Assembly election. Although the media had projected UML’s better position in the election, the party was not confident of its win. The UML was not optimistic of its win because its position had been shaken due to the Maoists’ emerging strength nationwide. The Maoists’ rise had weakened UML’s organizational strength as many UML cadres had already joined the Maoists party. The UML leadership had realized this scenario. At the best, the UML had hoped the position of being the largest party in the Constituent Assembly but it was not hopeful of winning the majority. In such an eventuality, UML might need other parties’ support to form its government. Visualizing this situation, UML had advocated the politics of consensus.
So far as the Nepali Congress is concerned, it, too, had not hoped to win the majority in the Constituent Assembly. Since the Congress was heading the interim coalition government prior to the election, it was hopeful of leading yet another coalition government after the Constituent Assembly election if no party won the majority. As the Congress would not be able to form the government on its own strength, it would require support from other parties. Guided by this motive, the Congress was for a consensus government.
Prior to the Constituent Assembly election, the Maoists had been dubbed as the possible loser in the electoral politics. The armed chair opinion polls, political analysts and election watchers had predicted that the Maoists would end up in the third position in the election. The Maoists, too, were not confident of their position in the election. The Maoists had already tasted power being the part of interim coalition government headed by Congress president Girija Prasad Koirala and they wanted to continue to be in power even after the election. As they had not been confident of their bigger presence after the election, the Maoists wanted to remain power as a part of the coalition government. For this purpose, the Maoists called for a consensus politics.
But the election results came out the way. The election results proved all election watchers, opinion polls and political analysts wrong. The election results put the Maoists on the first position, whereas the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML on the second and third position. The result was indeed a shocking for the Congress and the CPN-UML in the sense that they got far smaller seats compared to the Maoists. The election results were also unexpected for the Maoists, too, as they did not hope to get such a large number of seats. Also the emergence of the Madhasi parties also changed the political equation and scenario.
The election results forced the parties to change their strategy and tactics to cope with the newly emerged political situation. Since the Maoists emerged as the single largest force in the Constituent Assembly, they had legitimate right to claim the post of the executive heads. But they failed to realize the fact that their own strength was not sufficient to form the government. Taking advantage from the hung Constituent Assembly, other parties mainly the Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and Madhesh-based parties demanded bigger say and share in the post-election political equation. There was unanimity among all the parties for allowing the Maoists to head the government because of its dominant presence in the Constituent Assembly. Other parties sought their own role in the new power equation. The Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML staked claim in the chair of the president. Congress demand could be justified as it was the second largest party. At the same time, the Maoists and the UML also staked claim in this coveted position.
This was the beginning of the entire problem. In this power game, both the Maoists and the Congress tried to play one against the other party. In the power game, CPN-UML proved to be a novice. Despite much maneuvering, the parties got what they deserved based on their strength and position in the Constituent Assembly—no more and no less. But the Maoists were defeated in their political trick as all other parties got united to foil the Maoists design during the election for the president.
The Maoists got the premiership, Congress the president, UML the chairperson of the Constituent Assembly and Madhesi Janadhikar Forum the vice president. This was a perfect arrangement for power sharing. Although, the parties got their share as per their strength in the Constituent Assembly, they breached the politics of consensus for their partisan gains. The parties quickly ignored their own earlier rhetoric and.
Despite Maoists’ mistakes and failure in the election for the president and vice president, the Maoists were allowed to head the new coalition government. But the Nepali Congress refused to join the government, which is the beginning of the breach of consensus. The UML and Madhesi Janadhikar Forum joined the government which lasted for nine months. During this nine-month period, everything was going smoothly except some minor hiccups and hitches. But the atmosphere of mistrust heightened when the Maoists decided to sack the then army chief. Although the Maoists claimed that they had consulted duly with other coalition partners and taken their approval before taking final decision on sacking the army chief, other coalition partners walked out of the government the moment the decision was announced on the army chief issue. The Maoists’ decision could not be implemented as the president intervened and blocked the decision to sack the army chief. This is when the crisis began and Prime Minister Prachanda resigned.
Prachanda’s resignation paved the way for the formation of the non-Maoist government headed by Madhav Kumar Nepal. In bringing 22 parties into the coalition government lies Madhav Nepal’s ability to run the coalition government. But he has not been able to garner the support of the largest party—UCPN (Maoist). Instead he has constantly faced the wrath of the opposition both in parliament and on the streets.
The political maneuvering that started in Nepal’s political landscape soon after the election to the Constituent Assembly two years ago continues unabated even today. Now the Maoists are desperate to grab power whereas the present Prime Minister also seems to be prepared to do everything possible to retain his hold on power. This power tussle among the parties has pushed the main political agenda of constitution writing to the background. The success of the ongoing peace process hinges on the early writing of the new constitution. If the political parties continue to lock horn on power grabbing and power retaining issues, the constitution writing would definitely not be complete within the stipulated time, which would delay the peace process. The early writing of the constitution is a must. But the constitution may not be written in the absence of Maoists’ support. Thus, the formation of the national government is a must for successfully writing the constitution and concluding the peace process. In the past the parties talked of consensus and cooperation for their own partisan interest. But consensus is necessary for the country, democracy, stability and peace. The parties are, therefore, expected to behave and act responsibly putting the national interest on the top of all other agenda.
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