Bhutan election: A farce in democratic facade

Yuba Nath Lamsal

Bhutan, a tiny Himalayan Kingdom, saw a second engineered general election in which the opposition People’s Democratic Party (PDP) has won a landslide victory and poised to form the next government in a monarchical system with democratic cover. The PDP, which is known more as pro-Indian party and also the party close to Bhutan’s monarch Jigme Keshar Wangchuk, won stunning victory over the ruling  Druk Phuensum Tshogpa Party (DPT). Apparently, the election was seen as a race not between Bhutan’s two parties but between Thimpu and New Delhi. In other words, in the closely contested electoral race, the pro-Indian party PDP won over the relatively more nationalist DPT party. In the election held for 47 seats of Bhutan’s parliament, the National Assembly, PDP grabbed 32 seats whereas the DPT could manage to win only 15 seats. This has given more than two thirds majority to DPT, which is sufficient enough even to change Bhutan’s constitution.

In this nationalist vs pro-Indian race, New Delhi directly and openly threw its weight behind the PDP. On the eve of the election, as a direct support to PDP, India suddenly and abruptly cancelled the subsidy on petroleum products, driving the cost of fuel up three times, which harshly impacted on the life of the people belonging to the lower strata of Bhutan. However, this was dubbed as the incompetence of the ruling DPT party to handle affairs with India for the purpose of easing woes of the Bhutanese. The PDP went ahead accusing that the ruling DPT utterly failed in handling foreign policy endangering Bhutan-India relationship in the name of diversifying foreign and diplomatic relations. While PDP criticized the DPT for ignoring the concerns of the people by antagonizing India, DPT accused the PDP of politicizing Bhutan's ‘most important strategic relationship’ with its neighbors and Bhutan’s foreign policy for petty political interest. This sent a message to the voters that days ahead would be more difficult if DPT was re-elected to power.

In a more brazen manner, the PDP openly criticized the DPT for its decision to diversify its foreign policy and diplomatic relations. The PDP maintained that Bhutan needed no relations with other countries except India. It was perhaps the views that New Delhi has maintained, which was echoed on the streets and alleys of Thimpu through the mouth of PDP leaders. This is a testament that the recent election in Bhutan was not a democratic exercise but a drama staged at the behest of the external forces. In the drama, PDP leaders were used as a mere pawns, while Bhutan’s monarchy, which often boasts of its nationalist and people-centred policies, became a party to foil the design to raise Bhutan’s status as a sovereign country rather than a protectorate of a certain power.

India and Bhutan signed a bilateral treaty of friendship in 1949 that governs the relations between these two countries. This treaty restricts Thimpu to exercise its sovereign authority in handling its foreign and defence policy. Under the 1949 treaty between India and Bhutan, New Delhi had controlled Thimpu’s foreign policy. The Article II of Treaty of Friendship between India and Bhutan had stated that the external relations of Bhutan will ”be guided by the advice of the Government of India”. It was under this treaty that Bhutan did not have diplomatic relations even with China that shares common border. However, Bhutan and India revised the treaty in 2007 that allowed Thimpu to diversify its international relations. The revised treaty has rewritten Articles 2 and 6 of the 1949 treaty that gives Thimpu “more freedom to pursue its foreign policy and also in the purchase of non-lethal military equipment as long as such decisions do not damage India's vital strategic interests”.Taking leverage from the provision of this treaty, Bhutan diversified its relations establishing diplomatic ties with as many as 42 countries in the world including China. After the establishment of the diplomatic relations, Bhutan and China had agreed to establish their residential embassies in the capitals of the two countries. China was soon to open its embassy in Thimpu. But this was deferred under pressure perhaps from New Delhi.

This particular decision of DPT government annoyed New Delhi. Since then, India started cultivating the opposition to gain more political clouts and strength in Bhutan’s politics, in which Bhutan’s monarchy, too, extended support. Until then, the Bhutan’s monarch had soft corner to the DPT but it remained helpless under pressure from New Delhi. Thus the PDP became a preferred choice for both the monarchy s well as New Delhi during the election. 

Although India's ministry of external affairs clarified that it was a mere procedural issue concerning the subsidies on petroleum products and had nothing to do with Bhutan’s internal politics, India’s such an abrupt decision on the eve of election has not been taken in a positive manner by nationalist Bhutanese. Some have even compared this move with that of Sikkim prior to 1975. Now Bhutan has parliament with two-third majority of a pro-Indian party, which some suspect as an ominous sign for Bhutan’s independence.

Bhutan was under absolute monarchy which had deprived civil and political rights to the people. The simmering democratic movement in Bhutan was brutally crushed in collaboration with India. Nepali-speaking Bhutanese appeared in the forefront of the movement demanding civil and political rights, which was taken by the Bhutanese monarchy s a move to dethrone him. As a result, Bhutanese regime took the Nepali-speaking Bhutanese as the principal threat. This was taken as an opportune time by Thimpu as well as New Delhi to flush the Nepali-speaking population out of Bhutan and reduce the Nepali speaking people into minority. Nepali speaking population used to constitute almost half of total population of Bhutan. Thus, more than one fifth of the Bhutan’s population were forced to flee the country. It was only after this, multi-party system was established in Bhutan through a constitutional amendment. Accordingly first general election was held in 2008 in which DPT had won overwhelming majority.

The recent election and its results show that Bhutan is still not a full democracy. India’s control and influence is heavy which can change the game anytime. While Bhutan’s pursuit of independent foreign policy has cost heavily to DPT, it is now time for Bhutanese people to cautiously watch the activities of the PDP and political developments so that this election results may not be misused in the interest of external forces and in the expense of Bhutan’s independence.

The election and change of government are Bhutan’s internal affair.  Nepal has nothing to do with this. Nepal’s only concern is that external interference in Bhutan should and that Bhutanese refugees who have been living in camps for more than two decades should be allowed to return home. Since the eviction of Nepali-speaking population was the making of the Bhutanese monarchy in collusion with the external force, the change of government in Thimbu will bring about no visible change. The monarchy is as power as it was before and the influence of external force has been further consolidated after the election. Thus, Nepal’s desire to repatriate the Bhutanese refugees is likely to remain as a mere pipe dream for the years and even decades ahead. Bhutan’s democracy will be functional and credible only when its almost 20 per cent population, who are forced to live in other countries as refugees, are allowed to return to their homeland and take part in the political process.